Sunday, October 6, 2013

Quality or Equality?

This article in the Sydney Morning Herald by Daniel Hurst, and Josephine Tovey reveals the Abbott government plans to review the higher education system. It outlines several issues: (1) reducing funding for support student services, (2) possibility of reintroducing caps on university places, and (3) cutting the previous Labor government’s targets for students from lower socio-economic backgrounds receiving higher education. I seek to understand the rationale behind these decisions and evaluate them through the lens of social justice within the education system, with the help of concepts and theories used by Michael Apple (1996).

Education Minister Christopher Pyne has introduced the above-mentioned plans based on rising government concern about diminishing “quality” of higher education in the country, and its negative effect on the “sector’s international reputation” (Hurst and Tovey, 2013). I find that Apple’s (1996) work on the cultural politics in education is extremely relevant in analysing this discourse. Apple (1996: 6) suggests that the Right wing of politics “has been ascendant” when it comes to the education sphere, as the public becomes increasingly anxious about “falling standards, dropouts, and illiteracy”. Fuelled by the anticipation of better economic circumstances for their children, working and middle class parents enable influential political groups to manoeuvre the discussion of education into the domain of the economic. Also salient in Apple’s view is the reintroduction of a conservative “binary opposition of we/they” where marginalised groups are perceived as being unworthy of receiving welfare. They are seen to be “getting something for nothing” (Apple, 1996: 7).

Education Minister Pyne’s prioritising of quality higher education at the expense of equity reflects this economically driven political discourse. This seems to fit into the mentality that inequality is necessary for progress. Perhaps, the only way to make the poor richer is to make everyone richer including the rich (Apple 1996: 9). Apple (1996: 9) disagrees with this stand, as I do, since it is evident that while the rich has grown richer, evidence is lacking that the poor has followed suit in “the US and Britain”.

Apple (1996: 7) also suggests that in lieu with this rightist agenda is an assault on teachers as scapegoats for the “larger social problems it is unwilling to face”, leading to pay cuts and the diminishing of teachers unions. We see this in the increased privatisation and commercialisation of the education sector. Nick Riemer (2013) named this as the cause of the University of Sydney strikes in August this year. Reintroducing caps on university places in place of the current “demand-driven” system will also leave students from poor backgrounds at a disadvantage in terms of obtaining a place in higher education. This is an example of “relational” social injustice, where groups are dominant or subordinate to each other based on the structure of society, in this case, based on socio-economic status (Gewirtz, 1998: 170). It is important therefore that the government be careful to ensure that social justice is upheld in their final decision following the review of the education system.

References

Apple, M. W. (1996). Cultural politics and education. New York: Teachers College Press.
Gewirtz, S. (1998). Conceptualizing social justice in education: mapping the. Journal of Education Policy, 469-484.
Hurst, D., & Tovey, J. (2013, September 25). Christopher Pyne reveals university shake-up. Retrieved from The Sydney Morning Herald: http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/christopher-pyne-reveals-university-shakeup-20130924-2ucag.html

Riemer, N. (2013, August 30). Why is Sydney University on strike? Because students are not our 'clients'. Retrieved from The Guardian: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/aug/30/sydney-university-strike

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